It also found that none of the soldiers had fired in response to attacks by those throwing projectiles and that none of those who were shot had posed any threat to the soldiers. on the loyalist side), the Troubles cost the lives of thousands of people. He said his organisation intended to attack city-centre premises in Derry on 30 January. [84] In the event, one man was witnessed by Father Edward Daly and others haphazardly firing a revolver in the direction of the paratroopers. But they were fired at indiscriminately by police and the Cossacks, resulting in the death of more than 100 workers with 300 workers wounded. [38] The soldiers claimed Donaghy was holding a black cylindrical object,[39] but the Saville Inquiry concluded that all of those shot were unarmed. 3. Bloody Sunday, or the Bogside Massacre, was a massacre on 30 January 1972 in the Bogside area of Derry, Northern Ireland, when British soldiers shot 26 civilians during a protest march against internment without trial. Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association, Narrative of events of Bloody Sunday (1972), deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland, Public Prosecution Service for Northern Ireland, Bloody Sunday: Scenes from the Saville Inquiry, 'Bloody Sunday', Derry 30 January 1972 – Names of the Dead and Injured, Extracts from 'The Road to Bloody Sunday' by Dr Raymond McClean, "1972: 'Bloody Sunday' report excuses Army", "Bloody Sunday killings to be ruled unlawful", Principal Conclusions and Overall Assessment of the Bloody Sunday Inquiry, Significant Violent Incidents During the Conflict, "Events surrounding one of the darkest days in history", Report of the Bloody Sunday Inquiry, Volume I, Chapter 9, 'Bloody Sunday', 30 January 1972 – A Chronology of Events, "The beginning of the march – Chapter 14 – Volume II – Bloody Sunday Inquiry Report", "Relief and vindication in Derry at findings in 5,000-page report", "Bloody Sunday: soldiers should face trial but not jail, families say", "Written Answers. This event became known as Bloody Sunday and is seen as one of the key causes of the 1905 Revolution. Trend of stripers spread all over the country. Today, the … It was murder. These allegations of brutality by paratroopers were reported widely on television and in the press. Many of the victims were shot while fleeing from the soldiers, and some were shot while trying to help the wounded. It was quite unnecessary. IRA activity also increased across Northern Ireland with thirty British soldiers being killed in the remaining months of 1971, in contrast to the ten soldiers killed during the pre-internment period of the year. [36] Such clashes between soldiers and youths were common, and observers reported that the rioting was not intense. On 10 November 2015, a 66-year-old former member of the Parachute Regiment was arrested for questioning over the deaths of William Nash, Michael McDaid and John Young. This incident is known as ‘Bloody Sunday’ in Russian history. Bloody Sunday, demonstration in Londonderry (Derry), Northern Ireland, on Sunday, January 30, 1972, by Roman Catholic civil rights supporters that turned violent when British paratroopers opened fire, killing 13 and injuring 14 others (one of the injured later died). [19] In Belfast, soldiers of the Parachute Regiment shot dead 11 civilians in what became known as the Ballymurphy Massacre. The city's coroner, Hubert O'Neill, a retired British Army major, issued a statement at the completion of the inquest. When some protesters threw stones and tried to go around the barbed wire, paratroopers drove them back by firing rubber bullets at close range and making baton charges. It found that all of those shot were unarmed, that none were posing a serious threat, that no bombs were thrown and that soldiers "knowingly put forward false accounts" to justify their firing. It says the paratroopers "might well have felt themselves at risk, but in our view this does not excuse them". The Saville Report concluded that all of those shot were unarmed and that none were posing a serious threat. NICRA intended, despite the ban, to hold another anti-internment march in Derry on Sunday 30 January. [128], Brian Friel's 1973 play The Freedom of the City deals with the incident from the viewpoint of three civilians. At the same time the city was perceived to be deprived of public investment: motorways were not extended to it, a university was opened in the relatively small (Protestant-majority) town of Coleraine rather than Derry and, above all, the city's housing stock was in an appalling[peacock prose] state. Cameron then apologised on behalf of the British Government by saying he was "deeply sorry". Widgery's quickly-produced report—completed within 10 weeks (on 10 April) and published within 11 weeks (on 19 April)—supported the Army's account of the events of the day. The march set off at about 2:45 pm. [110], When it was deployed on duty in Northern Ireland, the British Army was welcomed by Roman Catholics as a neutral force there to protect them from Protestant mobs, the RUC and the B-Specials. [108], Harold Wilson, then the Leader of the Opposition in the House of Commons, reiterated his belief that a united Ireland was the only possible solution to Northern Ireland's Troubles. The three boys killed at the rubble barricade were driven to hospital by the paratroopers. which incident came to be known as 'bloody sunday' Share with your friends. But the conclusions of this report are absolutely clear. [20] A further six soldiers had been killed in Derry by mid-December 1971. In Harper's book (The Passions of Great Fortune), his comment on the song ends "…there must always be some hope that the children of 'Bloody Sunday', on both sides, can grow into some wisdom". Major Michael Steele: With MacLellan in the operations room and in charge of passing on the orders of the day. [27] The Saville Report criticised General Ford for choosing the Parachute Regiment for the operation, as it had "a reputation for using excessive physical violence". [26] The arrest operation was codenamed 'Operation Forecast'. [79] Two years later in 2000 during an interview with the BBC, Wilford said: "There might have been things wrong in the sense that some innocent people, people who were not carrying a weapon, were wounded or even killed. The single, entitled "Give Ireland Back to the Irish", expressed his views on the matter. The report concluded, "The firing by soldiers of 1 PARA on Bloody Sunday caused the deaths of 13 people and injury to a similar number, none of whom was posing a threat of causing death or serious injury. On 7 September, 1 Para raided houses and the headquarters of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) in the Protestant Shankill area of Belfast. Some in the Army also thought there had been undue violence by the paratroopers.[24][25]. Sunday … "[114] He acknowledged that all those who died were unarmed when they were killed by British soldiers, and that a British soldier had fired the first shot at civilians. The 5,000-page Saville Report found that the first shot in the vicinity of the march had been fired by the British army and that, though there was some firing by republican paramilitaries, it did not provide any justification for the shooting of the civilian casualties. [125], Irish poet Thomas Kinsella's 1972 poem Butcher's Dozen is a satirical and angry response to the Widgery Tribunal and the events of Bloody Sunday. 2 Thank You An inquest into the deaths was held in August 1973. Major General Robert Ford, then Commander of Land Forces in Northern Ireland, ordered that the 1st Battalion, Parachute Regiment (1 Para), should travel to Derry to be used to arrest possible rioters. Here, the soldiers shot at people across the car park, about 40–50 yards (35–45 m) away. The hearings were concluded in November 2004, and the report was published 15 June 2010. Following a 12-year investigation, Saville's report was made public in 2010 and concluded that the killings were both "unjustified" and "unjustifiable". [116], Stephen Pollard, solicitor representing several of the soldiers, said on 15 June 2010 that Saville had cherry-picked the evidence and did not have justification for his findings. [14], The City of Derry was perceived by many Catholics and Irish nationalists in Northern Ireland to be the epitome of what was described as "fifty years of Unionist misrule": despite having a nationalist majority, gerrymandering ensured elections to the City Corporation always returned a unionist majority. Although there were many IRA men—both Official and Provisional—at the protest, it is claimed they were all unarmed, apparently because it was anticipated that the paratroopers would attempt to "draw them out".
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